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Thursday, April 22, 2010

Thomson Reuters' map has shrunk Cambodian territory by 4,515 sq. km



By Khmerization
Source: Kampuchea Thmey

The Cambodian government is furious that Thomson Reuters Foundation, an international news service, had shrunk Cambodia's land mass by 4,515 sq. kilometres, reports Kampuchea Thmey.

Thomson Reuters Foundation had listed in its official website the total Cambodian territory as 176,520 sq. kilometres, instead of the official total area of 181,035 sq. kilometres recorded in all official documents.

The Cambodian Council of Ministers (CoM) had written a letter since 12th April requesting Thomson Reuters for a correction, but up until now it said it had not received any correspondences from Thomson Reuters yet.

Mr. Tith Sothea, spokesman for the CoM's Press and Quick Reaction Unit, said the Cambodian government had requested Thomson Reuters to correct the mistake as a matter of urgency. However, up until now the CoM had not received any official reply from Thomson Reuters yet, he said.

During the 22nd SEA Games hosted by Vietnam in Hanoi in 2003, the Games official website listed Cambodia's total area as 176,520 sq. kilometres. The website only change Cambodia's land mass to 181,035 sq. km after Khmer overseas strongly protested.

Foreign war reporters arrived in Cambodia

Foreign and local reporters taking notes in Cambodia during the 70s (Photo: DC-Cam)

20 April 2010
By Leang Delux
Radio France Internationale
Translated from Khmer by Socheata


As planned, foreign reporters who survived the war in Cambodia at the beginning of the 70s have returned back to Cambodia to commemorate their colleagues who died or disappeared between 1970 and 1975.

27 veteran reporters have arrived in Cambodia. They will be greeted by Khieu Kanharith, the minister of Information during a dinner meeting. Now, all these reporters are in their 60s or older. The majority of them are US citizens, followed by Australians, and Brits. All of them are reporters for major news agencies in the world, such as AP, Reuters, UPI, the Washington Post, Newsweek etc…

This gathering will span over a period of 4 days, starting form Tuesday afternoon. They will meet with Cambodian reporters during dinner. There will be 3 main events that will take place on Thursday 22 April: in the morning, they will be taken to Wat Po Pagoda, located in Borset district, Kampong Speu province. The Wat Po area was the location where 9 reporters were ambushed and killed by Pol Pot soldiers on 31 May 1970. Therefore, at this pagoda, the reporters will pay respect to the memory of their fallen colleagues there.

In the afternoon of the same day, they will return back to Phnom Penh to hold the second major event: paying respect to the memory of all reporters who died or disappeared between 1970 and 1975. This major event will be held at the park located in front of Le Royal Hotel where a stupa will be built to commemorate these reporters. The stupa will be built there because these reporters used to meet each other at that location in the beginning of the 70s.

The 3rd major event will take place in the evening of 22 April: it will be discussion forum among the reporters’ community and the exposition of old photos showing the activities of reporters during the 70s war.

Furthermore, for the majority of reporters who never returned back to Cambodia after their stint in the 70s, they will be taken to visit the Tuol Sleng museum, the Choeung Ek memorial and the royal palace.

Regarding the goal of the meeting with these foreign reporters, Khieu Kanharith said that it is only held to allow the opportunity for current reporters to meet with old reporters and to connect with each other. However, it will also allow these old reporters to have the opportunity to see Cambodia’s current situation which is quite different from what it used to be in the 70s.

Monday, April 19, 2010

Hang Chakra to maintain his stance

Hang Chakra, Editor-in-chief of The Khmer Machas Srok newspaper

19 April 2010
Free Press Magazine online
Translated from Khmer by Socheata
Click here to read the article in Khmer


Hang Chakra, the Editor-in-chief of the Khmer Machas Srok newspaper who was released from jail on 13 April, i.e. just ahead of the Cambodian New Year celebration, declared that the he will continue to maintain his original conscience in the criticism of the government.

Yesterday, Hang Chakra declared that he will thrive to publish The Khmer Machas Srok newspaper by next week after its publication was suspended since the beginning of April due to financial issue, and he said that he will continue to criticize the government in order to push for progress in national development and to fight against corruption.

At the same time, Hang Chakra denied the rumors claiming that he joined the CPP and that he will stop criticizing the government. Hang Chakra said: “There is no institution that can pressure me to change my conscience when I am using my own funds to publish my newspaper, and when my newspaper is still alive through the support of the readers.”

Nevertheless, prior to his pardon, Hang Chakra wrote a letter of apology to Hun Xen, and he promised that, should he be released, he will not write any article pointing to corruption without proof.

Sacrava's Political Cartoon: ASEAN

Cartoon by Sacrava (on the web at http://sacrava.blogspot.com)

Thai troops still refused to withdraw from Phnom Trop

Monday, 19 April 2010
By
Khmerization
Source: RFI

14 Thai troops who moved in to occupy a strip of Phnom Trop Mountain on Friday, the 16th, had steadfastly refused to withdraw from the area, despite strong protest from Cambodian troops, reports Radio France Internationale.

Those 14 Thai troops had sneaked in to occupy the area when Cambodian troops were preparing to celebrate the Khmer New Year.

Gen. Chum Socheat, spokesman for the Cambodian Defence Ministry, said local commanders from both sides were holding talks, but up to Sunday afternoon those Thai troops still refused to withdraw. Local Cambodian commanders said they will resolve the issue locally first before sending the case to the national level. Gen. Chum Socheat said those 14 Thai soldiers said they are ready to withdraw if given orders by their top commanders. However, experience in the past show that this is just a ploy, he said.

On another development, the situation at O'Smach has eased after two heavy firefights on Saturday between Cambodian troops and about 20 Thai troops. According to the Bangkok Post, the situations had eased because Cambodian troops agreed to withdraw from the "disputed area".

On Saturday, 17th, two clashes occurred near O'Smach border town in Oddar Meanchey province. Some Thai soldiers are suspected to be wounded or killed because after the clashes, Cambodian soldiers had found two riffles, a helmet with blood stains, a two-way radio and a knapsack containing many rounds of bullets were left behind. However, the Thai military said all their soldiers have been all accounted for and that its side had not suffered any casualty.

579 dead and injured from traffic accidents during New Year

19 April 2010
Everyday.com.kh
Translated from Khmer by Socheata

The number of traffic accidents during the 2010 Cambodian New Year in the entire country is increasing when compared to 2009: the number of injured people is increasing whereas the number of deaths decreased. General Him Yan, director of the police department for the ministry of Interior, told Koh Santepheap newspaper that during the New Year, i.e. between 13 and 17 April 2010, in the entire country, there were 254 accidents causing 49 deaths, 296 people sustained severe injuries and 234 people sustained light injuries. In comparison to 2009, the number of accidents and the number of people injured have increased, but the number of death from traffic accidents decreased. In 2009, there were 240 accidents causing 52 deaths, 233 people sustaining severe injuries and 224 sustaining light injuries. The majority of the accidents occurred from speeding.

Thai troops still refused to withdraw from Phnom Trop

Monday, 19 April 2010
By
Khmerization
Source: RFI

14 Thai troops who moved in to occupy a strip of Phnom Trop Mountain on Friday, the 16th, had steadfastly refused to withdraw from the area, despite strong protest from Cambodian troops, reports Radio France Internationale.

Those 14 Thai troops had sneaked in to occupy the area when Cambodian troops were preparing to celebrate the Khmer New Year.

Gen. Chum Socheat, spokesman for the Cambodian Defence Ministry, said local commanders from both sides were holding talks, but up to Sunday afternoon those Thai troops still refused to withdraw. Local Cambodian commanders said they will resolve the issue locally first before sending the case to the national level. Gen. Chum Socheat said those 14 Thai soldiers said they are ready to withdraw if given orders by their top commanders. However, experience in the past show that this is just a ploy, he said.

On another development, the situation at O'Smach has eased after two heavy firefights on Saturday between Cambodian troops and about 20 Thai troops. According to the Bangkok Post, the situations had eased because Cambodian troops agreed to withdraw from the "disputed area".

On Saturday, 17th, two clashes occurred near O'Smach border town in Oddar Meanchey province. Some Thai soldiers are suspected to be wounded or killed because after the clashes, Cambodian soldiers had found two riffles, a helmet with blood stains, a two-way radio and a knapsack containing many rounds of bullets were left behind. However, the Thai military said all their soldiers have been all accounted for and that its side had not suffered any casualty.

The fall-out of the Thai political crisis

Monday April 19, 2010
By KAVI CHONGKITTAVORN
The Nation/ANN


Quite a few countries wanted a strong statement from the chair to express concern about the current conditions in Thailand but Vietnam, as the Asean chair, refused to do so.

The ongoing political conflict on Bangkok’s streets and the bloody clashes on April 10 have already rattled the nerves of Asean leaders as they ponder their grouping’s future political landscape.

Last week, Vietnam was quick in wanting to issue a statement on behalf of Asean on the violence. On the same day, Cambodia immediately stepped in, calling for a special Asean summit to discuss the crisis in its eastern neighbour – unprecedented moves. Both plans were aborted.

Naturally, Thailand blocked the chair’s statement. Bangkok felt it was not necessary as the Abhisit government is still in power and continues to handle the crisis in a transparent manner.

Most importantly, Thailand is an open society and the local and foreign media are free to report on the unfolding events on a daily basis. In responding to numerous enquiries, the government reiterated the non-use of forces during the confrontation.

Finally, Vietnam, on it own issued a short statement saying:

“As a neighbouring country of Thailand, a member of Asean and concurrently the chair of Asean, Vietnam follows with great attention the current complicated developments in Thailand. Vietnam wants to see the parties concerned exercise restraint, refrain from violence, and peacefully settle issues through dialogue so as to bring about early stability for Thailand.”

That much was clear.

Within hours, Vietnam also responded to Phnom Penh’s request with a short and crispy message: it is not practical to have such a summit.

Putting the two diplomatic moves together, one wonders the reasons why Vietnam and Cambodia were so eager to highlight the Thai political uncertainty.

Throughout the political quagmire in Myanmar, since its admission in 1997, the two members have yet to play any pro-active role at all.

For instance, at the Hanoi summit, the Asean leaders discussed the situation inside Myanmar, especially the upcoming farcical election. Quite a few countries, including Indonesia, Thailand and Singapore, wanted a strong statement from the chair to express “concern” about the current conditions there. But Vietnam as the Asean chair refused to do so.

Therefore, the final statement by the chair contained the lowest denominator of Asean’s positions on Myanmar in a decade.

The statement “underscored” the importance of national reconciliation in Myanmar and the holding of a general election in a free, fair and inclusive manner.

The previous Asean chair’s statement on Myanmar included the call for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and political prisoners (2003).

During the bloodshed in September 2007, Asean expressed revulsion at the violence in Myanmar and the use of weapons in the crackdown against monks and students.

At the Hanoi summit, the leaders told Myanmar that Asean was ready to share its electoral experience to help the country; they could also send observers. But there was no response from Myanmar.

Deep down, Asean would like to see Mynamar carry out a decent election that is acceptable internationally as it would be a boon to the grouping’s credibility as a whole. For the past 13 years, Asean has been suffocating from the family’s rogue member, who is not willing to listen or consider opinions and requests of peers.

Last October, Vietnam and Cambodia (along with Laos and Brunei) did not back Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya’s initiative calling for the pardon and release of Aung San Suu Kyi. After months of lobbying, the planned joint Asean appeal finally fumbled.

Obviously as the Asean chair, Hanoi can take an initiative to reflect on any issue as it sees fit. It must be noted that most of the past Asean joint statements made were mainly on common crisis such as food security, financial crisis and recovery, pandemics, among others.

Such is the dilemma of the 43-year-old rule-based organisation. Political division remains as stark as ever. South-East Asia, now under a single Asean roof, remains the world’s only region that comprises all forms of political systems. They range from absolute to constitutional monarchies, one-party dictatorship to one-party cronyism including various shades of socialism-cum-capitalism.

Whenever a consensus is needed, Asean members take an extraordinary amount of time to decide, especially on sensitive issues.

Amid all these inconsistencies within Asean, there is one bright spot – Indonesia’s democracy, and its further consolidation. The New York-based Freedom House picked Indonesia as the only free country in the region.

On the day Vietnam rejected Cambodia’s request for a summit on the Thai crisis, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was speaking in front of an international gathering of the Sixth Assembly of World Movement for Democracy with over 600 participants from 110 countries in a downtown hotel. It was a vote of confidence for the 12-year-old democracy, the world’s third largest.

In his keynote speech, Susilo declared proudly that democracy in Indonesia is irreversible and a daily fact of life. The home-grown democracy in his country, the president reiterated, showed that democracy and economic development can go hand in hand as it was no longer a zero-sum game.

With the third highest economic growth among G-20 countries, after China and India, Indonesia is confident that its democratic development is on the right track.

Susilo pointed out that the desire to get rid of corruption, collusion and nepotism came wholly from within.

Thailand’s democracy, despite its long 78-year history, is still not taking root and the Philippines continues to struggle to find its own democratic formula.

The Filipino public are hoping that the next election would enable a respectable leader offering good governance to emerge. Just imagine the implications on the Asean political landscape if Thailand and the Philippines overcome their political instability and attain a certain degree of democratic maturity.

Together with Indonesia, they would represent nearly 70% of the Asean population of 595 million. It could be a new benchmark.

It is extremely significant that Jakarta is taking up the Asean chair next year, changing places with Brunei.

First of all, Indonesia’s chair automatically pre-empts Myanmar from resuming its skipped chair in 2005.

The earlier fear was that after the scheduled election and a new government in Myanmar this year, the regime might request Asean to return its chair.

For 2012, Cambodia has already reaffirmed that it would surely stick to the original schedule as the general election is slated for 2013.

Finally, this would allow the grouping’s biggest member to pursue its broad global agenda as the Asean chair. It remains to be seen how Indonesia can balance its global and regional roles.

Jakarta has told Asean that as a member of G-20 it would not be able to speak for Asean, but it can convey the Asean input. Susilo’s second five-year term would witness Indonesia’s enthusiasm on issues pertaining to democracy, international peace-keeping and building, climate change, responsibility to protect and the anti-terrorism campaign.

If Jakarta succeeds, the prestige of Asean will be further augmented worldwide.

579 dead and injured from traffic accidents during New Year

19 April 2010
Everyday.com.kh
Translated from Khmer by Socheata

The number of traffic accidents during the 2010 Cambodian New Year in the entire country is increasing when compared to 2009: the number of injured people is increasing whereas the number of deaths decreased. General Him Yan, director of the police department for the ministry of Interior, told Koh Santepheap newspaper that during the New Year, i.e. between 13 and 17 April 2010, in the entire country, there were 254 accidents causing 49 deaths, 296 people sustained severe injuries and 234 people sustained light injuries. In comparison to 2009, the number of accidents and the number of people injured have increased, but the number of death from traffic accidents decreased. In 2009, there were 240 accidents causing 52 deaths, 233 people sustaining severe injuries and 224 sustaining light injuries. The majority of the accidents occurred from speeding.

Thai troops on Bangkok streets to protect financial hub

04/19/2010
Agence France-Presse

BANGKOK, Thailand—Hundreds of Thai troops, many of them armed, were deployed on the streets of Bangkok early Monday to protect the city's financial heart from anti-government rallies, witnesses said.

AFP reporters saw military and riot police station themselves in the central financial district, known as Silom, close to the Reds' current rally base in the capital's commercial heartland.

"There are several units currently armed to prevent themselves from attacks from terrorists who are hiding among protesters," said government spokesman Panitan Wattanayagorn.

A soldier, asking not to be named, said the troops were there to block the Reds if they came up Silom Road. "We will not attack them, we are blocking them," he told AFP.

The security personnel had stacked uncoiled barbed wire at the roadside. Many were seen armed with assault rifles and shotguns while some had only riot shields.

The Reds began their demonstration demanding immediate elections more than a month ago, and it remained largely peaceful until a failed army crackdown nine days ago led to clashes that left 25 people dead and more than 800 injured.

The government has asked the police's special investigation unit to probe the bloodshed, blaming "terrorists" for inciting violence.

Embattled Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva handed broader powers to his army chief Anupong Paojinda Friday after a bungled operation to arrest senior protesters.

Sam Rainsy’s Lawyer to Clarify Groundless Accusations with The Judge


April 18, 2010

SAM RAINSY’S LAWYER TO CLARIFY GROUNDLESS ACCUSATIONS WITH THE JUDGE

On April 20, MP Sam Rainsy’s lawyer will meet with an investigating judge to clarify a number of groundless accusations made against the opposition leader by the government Border Committee led by Mr. Var Kim Hong.

The accusations are the following:

1- SGI [1/100,000] map deposited at the United Nations in 1964 and map annexed to the 2005 Additional [Border] Treaty, have no grid on them, unlike the map shown and disseminated by Mr. Sam Rainsy, [who therefore is accused of forging a public document].

Clarification: This is a really strange accusation. All maps have a “grid” on them, which is called “graticule”. Graticule is a network of parallels and meridians for equal intervals of latitude and longitude on the earth's surface. Both the official 1952 French-era SGI 1/100,000 map and the 1966 US Army 1/50,000 map have a similar graticule on them (see March 23, 2010 Report by Professor Régis Caloz, page 7 showing a “coincidence of graticules”). Each square of the graticules on the two maps corresponds to a 1-km side square on the ground.

2- Mr. Sam Rainsy has produced a new map on which he has determined the locations of border posts which are different from the locations of border posts determined by the joint [Cambodia-Vietnam] expert committee on border affairs.

Clarification: Mr. Sam Rainsy has not “produced” any “new map” at all. He has only exposed the two above-mentioned existing maps. He has neither determined any “locations of border posts” at all. On October 25, 2009, he was led by a group of local villagers to the so-called temporary border post # 185, which he pulled out because the land owner had complained that that so-called temporary border post infringed on her ancestral rice field. As for the locations of the three nearby “temporary border posts” # 184, 186 and 187, they were also indicated to opposition parliamentarians by local farmers who feared losing their land because of alleged border encroachment. After collecting on the spot the GPS locations of the four so-called temporary border posts as identified with the help of local farmers, Mr. Sam Rainsy asked a professional cartographer to spot on the two above-mentioned maps the precise locations of the four so-called temporary border posts according to their geographical coordinates (see Report by Professor Régis Caloz, page 10, figure 12 showing the “localization of the four sites in the border area”).

We are now happy to learn that the “real” locations of the corresponding border posts # 184, 185, 186 and 187 as determined by the joint [Cambodia-Vietnam] expert committee on border affairs, are actually situated at a distance of respectively 570 m, 516 m, 720 m and 510 m to the East (toward Vietnam) from the “border posts [wrongly] determined by Mr. Sam Rainsy” (see explanation given with the map most recently presented by the government Border Committee to the Court).

3- Mr. Sam Rainsy has not used the appropriate mapping techniques because he has not made the required conversion of datum when taking geographic coordinates of border posts as collected with a GPS device under WGS 84 datum and entering those data onto a map under Indian 1960 datum.

Clarification: It was a theoretical mistake but it had, in this specific case, no incidence whatsoever in the final result. This is clearly explained in the Report by Professor Régis Caloz, page 10: “The GPS locations under WGS 84, directly converted into UTM 48 without change in the ellipsoid and entered onto the digitalized Duc Hue map in UTM 48 under Everest (India) 60, coincide with the points obtained by following the procedure used for the first assumption which logically includes a datum conversion.”

4- Mr. Sam Rainsy has exposed the geographic coordinates for border post # 186 at a time when the joint [Cambodia-Vietnam] expert committee on border affairs has yet to determine the location of the concerned border post on the ground.
Clarification: As stated above, the locations of the four so-called temporary border posts # 184, 185, 186 and 187 in Svay Rieng province’s Chantrea district have been indicated to SRP elected parliamentarians and councilors by local villagers and farmers who are victims of land grabbing associated with border encroachment. The corresponding geographic coordinates were obtained on the ground with a GPS device.

The government Border Committee should make public the geographic coordinates of all the "real and legal" border posts so as to allow public scrutiny.

See related documents in Khmer, English and French at http://tinyurl.com/yyoqa2n

Thailand: The king and the absolute monarchy

Op-Ed by Khmerization
18th April 2010

“King Bhimbol’s brother, King Anand, was found shot in the head in his bedroom 64 years ago and there was a widespread suspicion that Bhumibol had something to do with his death because he was the only one in the bedroom with King Anand at the time of his death.”


I know I have put myself in political hot waters or even in trouble with Thailand’s draconian lese majeste law for writing this opinion piece critical of the Thai royal family. I might even be subjected to a Thai lese majeste law. However, in this modern age and living in a free country that cherishes free speech, I believe that all individuals, regardless of their status, political belief or creed, should be permitted to exercise their full constitutional rights in expressing one’s own free opinions without any fears of being persecuted for expressing those very opinions.

With this in mind, I am mindful that even an Australian ABC TV, which had just screened an excellent documentary critical of the Thai royal family titled “Thailand - Long Live the King”, is faced with prosecution by this draconian Thai lese majeste law. I am now taking the risk for writing this critical article about the Thai royal family. I hope I am not a big enough fish whom the Thai government or the Thai king should argue with.

Thai lese majeste law is very draconian by any standard. It imposes severe and long term prison sentence for any people who defy the law. Anyone, Thais or foreigners, making the slightest remarks or innuendo critical of the Thai royal family risked being jailed between 3-18 years. On the political arena, the Thai subsequent governments have consistently and effectively used lese majeste law against their opponents, in the political or academic circles. Many opponents of the Thai subsequent governments and anti-royalists, such as Thaksin Shinawatra and Giles Ungaporn and others, had been jailed or been forced to live in exile with drummed up and false charges against them.

Many people have been persecuted and incarcerated needlessly for supposedly insulting the king. There are abundant examples of the ridiculousness of the applications of the Thai lese majeste law. A foreigner was once jailed for defacing the Thai currency that bears the picture of King Bhumibol Adulyadej. An Australian novelist, Harry Nicolaides, who satirised an unnamed prince in a short passage in his novel that sold only 7 copies, was in 2009 sentenced to three years in jail under the law over a self-published novel. The female red shirt protesters known as The Torpedo, who said the monarch had damaged democracy by supporting the coup, was jailed for 18 years late last year. Paul Handley, who wrote the only critical book of the Thai monarchy, titled “The king Never Smiles”, said he would have been jailed if he is to step foot on Thai soil.

The Thai monarchy is said to be a pivotal point in Thai politics which is central in keeping Thailand united, until now. However, King Bhumibol appears not to be a pivotal point anymore, but now takes side with Abhisit Vejjajiva in the current political crisis. He supports Abhisit against Thaksin because he is fearful of Thaksin’s overwhelming popularity, which surpasses his own popularity, with the majority of the Thai people. This theory has been proven correct because Abhisit has been hiding in the 11th Infantry Military Barracks, the King’s Royal Guards, since the heights of the red shirts’ protests in January. On 10th April, the troops that were used to disperse the red shirt protesters, an action that caused the deaths of 23 people, were mostly members of the Royal Guards as evident by the fact that most of the wounded soldiers were members of the Royal Guards and a colonel, Col. Romklao who was amongst the 4 soldiers killed, was the commander of the Royal Guards from the 11th Infantry.

Thailand had abolished absolute monarchy in a military coup in 1932. However, with the strict applications of the lese majeste law, there are some elements of absolutism in the present Thai monarchy.

The bad and negative side of the Thai royal family had been hidden from the Thai public for more than 64 years, often with self-censorship, but particularly due to the lese majeste law that prevent them from being exposed publicly. King Bhimbol’s brother, King Anand, was found shot in the head in his bedroom 64 years ago and there was a widespread suspicion that Bhumibol had something to do with his death because he was the only one in the bedroom with King Anand at the time of his death. However, due to the severity of the lese-majeste law, the matter of King Anand’s murder had been hidden from the Thai public for 64 years and had never been discussed publicly by any Thais. The murder of King Anand 64 years ago and the promiscuity of the playboy Prince Vajiralongkorn and the nudity of his third wife, the future queen, have been deliberately whitewashed to help protect the integrity of the royal family. The Thai people, who never knew of these negativity and scandals in their royal family, think that the members of the Thai royal family are some sort of gods that are infallible.

Lese majeste law is archaic and outdated in this modern day and age. God had created all mankind to be equal and that all man should be equal before the laws and that no one should be above the laws of the land. By the same token, no law should be created to suppress the majority just to protect the minority. As such Thailand’s lese majeste law should be abolished for good.

Cambodians [in Melbourne, Australia] ring in 2554 (BE)

April 19, 2010
GORDON FARRER
The Age (Australia)


The Khmer new year is a time to celebrate family and remember ancestors.

THE grounds of Wat Buddharangsi yesterday resembled a boisterous village fair rather than the oasis of serene contemplation you might expect of a Buddhist monastery.

Children chased each other noisily as adults played games - tug-o-war, petanque and Chinese chess - or perused stalls selling Cambodian magazines and DVDs, toys and prints of scenes from home.

In a small pagoda next to the main temple, devotees hoping for good fortune planted incense sticks in mounds of sand.

Drums, bells, Buddhist chants and Cambodian pop songs over a booming PA took turns to assault the ears of anyone within two suburbs.

Inside the temple, hundreds of people in brocade and tuille Sunday best sat shoulder-to-shoulder on multi-coloured mats, food and shoes set aside.

It might have been a rehearsal for an enormous communal picnic except that most sat with hands in the universal pose of prayer, chanting in response to 15 golden-robed monks on a dais in front of them.

The occasion was Maha Sangkran, the start of the Cambodian new year.

Three days of activities ended yesterday as members of Melbourne's Cambodian Buddhist community descended on the wat to celebrate the start of year 2554 BE (Buddhist Era).

Venerable Sambath Sam, a monk at Wat Buddharangsi for the past 10 years, says new year festivities are a time of family reunion and great celebration in Cambodia, a practice maintained in Melbourne's Khmer community.

Traditionally, he said, people return to their birth village to visit family and friends at this time of year.

They give food, clothes and money to their parents, which are then offered to the local temple to help provide for the monks.

Venerable Sambath - who was a teacher, interpreter, social worker and tram conductor before becoming a monk - says Sangkran is also a time for people to pay respects to their departed ancestors, to beg forgiveness from their parents and elders for misdeeds, and to remember the teachings of the Buddha.

''They must learn about wholesome deeds,'' he says.

''The good actions towards others will help you be reborn into a better life.''

Although some Cambodians fear cultural traditions are dying out among the next generation growing up in their adopted country, many younger Cambodians make the effort to embrace the old ways.

Jimmy You, who left Cambodia when he was five, comes to the new year festivities every year.

He admits there were years when his parents had to force him to come along.

However he says that now, in his late 20s, he sees the need to pass on the traditions to the next generation.

''The older generation comes here to pay their respects to their ancestors,'' he says.

''We have to understand why they're doing that because if we don't, when they're gone, who's going to do that for them?''

Celebrating A New Year [in San Bernardino, California, USA]

Saturday, April 17, 2010
The Press Enterprise (San Bernardino, California, USA)

Several thousand people were expected to celebrate the Cambodian new year Saturday at a festival at the Temple of the Khmer Buddhist Society in San Bernardino. The event, cosponsored by San Bernardino's Asian-American Resource Center, included traditional Cambodian dances and music, homemade Cambodian and Thai food and a singing contest. Traditional Cambodian new year festivities take place April 13-15, which in Cambodia is a national holiday. But because most people in the United States work on at least some of those days, Buddhist temples here typically celebrate on the weekend before or after the actual new year.

Dancers perform during Cambodian New Year celebration at The Temple of the Khmer Buddhist Society on Saturday. (Frank Bellino / Special to The Press-Enterprise)
Story continues below
Som Phath, 55, of Long Beach, gets ready to perform a dance during Cambodian New Year celebration at The Temple of the Khmer Buddhist Society in San Bernardino.

Sunday, April 18, 2010

Thailand's Elites Resist Democracy

Apr 18, 2010
Andrew Lam
New America Media, Commentary


If George Orwell were alive today, he might find the battle for democracy now playing out in Bangkok reminiscent of his masterpiece, “Animal Farm.”

In a parody of Stalinism, “Animal Farm”’s famous commandment was “All Animals are created equal, but some animals are more equal than others. It could be rephrased to parody Thai-style democracy: “all are equal under democracy, but some – namely city power elites - are more equal than others.”

What we have been witnessing over the last few weeks in Bangkok, indeed, is the peasants’ answer to that law. Some 100,000 anti-government “red-shirt” protesters came from the rural areas and disbursed around the Thai capital, blocking roadways and entrances to upscale shopping malls in a month-long protest that has now brought the Thai government to the brink.

What do they want? Immediate dissolution of parliament and a new election. In other words, they may be wearing red, but their hearts throb for real representation and democracy.

Fierce supporters of exiled Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who was ousted in 2006 in a military coup while he was traveling abroad, (he was charged and convicted of corruption in absentia), the protestors are now threatening to cause economic disaster if new elections are not carried out. Tourism is down. Investments falter and stocks sink. Some shopping malls stayed closed for days.

Thaksin, though a divisive figure in Thai politics, was democratically elected in 2001. In 2005, he won re-election by a landslide with the highest voter turn out in Thai history. A populist, and a multibillionaire, he’d done more for the rural population than all his predecessors combined, introducing effective policies to alleviate rural poverty by half in four years, and, equally enticing, implementing universal health care.

Born in the northern province of Chiangmai, Thaksin also did something else that was unprecedented: He gave the long suffering rural population a sense of upward mobility and a vision of shared governance.

In Bangkok, he was considered by many as an outsider and a usurper. He seemed a direct threat to the long established balance of power. Worse, with his growing base in the countryside and his extraordinary wealth, which he used to buy votes, he became a rival for the affection the people have for their king.

Thaksin, in effect, threatened to rewrite the de facto feudal system in which the rural population played a subservient role to the Bangkok power elite. Peasants are meant to serve the upper class, not sit at the same table, democracy or not. One doesn’t need to look very far to see how that has traditionally played out in Thailand: Practically all the laborers and servants of the middle- and upper-middle-class in the city are from the rural areas, and the massage parlors and brothels in Thailand’s infamous sex industry are populated by young, poor people from the countryside and by ethnic minorities.

In December 2007, a pro-Thaksin prime minister was popularly elected to office in the general election. It was met by massive protests, this time by protesters wearing yellow shirts who disagreed with the election, claiming fraud. Members of the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD), the “yellow shirts” chose the color to honor Thailand’s revered King Bhumibol Adulyadej. Representing a more urban population – in many ways the educated and white-collar class – they blocked the airport for days and stranded nearly 250,000 tourists. The constitutional court, under pressure to get the country moving again, agreed with the yellow shirts and disqualified the pro-Thaksin prime minister. 
Trouble was there was no clear evidence of fraud.

Worse, by appropriating the symbol of the monarchy, the yellow shirts effectively eradicated the neutral ground from which the monarchy usually played its best role as mediator between factions.

Indeed, the long-revered king has been strangely silent since the crisis began. Since Thailand became a constitutional monarchy in 1932, it has experienced many coups and counter-coups. Yet its monarchy until recent time held enormous power, providing much needed constancy and balance. King Bhumibol Adulyadej played the central role in a pivotal moment in Thailand’s transition to a democratic system. In 1992, when the country came to a standstill in an unprecedented crisis due to pro-democracy protests, he summoned the leaders of the two opposing parties, and both men appeared together on their knees in front of the king in a televised event, which soon led to a free election. 



But that may not work this time around. King Bhumibol Adulyadej is 83 years old and ailing. His heir apparent, Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn, is perceived by many as the wrong choice and he doesn’t carry the same gravitas and respect as his father. Besides, the king might have been a benevolent figure among the rural population, but he could never empower them politically and economically the way Thaksin had. Whether the monarchy is relevant or even helpful in restoring balance to the current crisis is debatable. Thaksin, on the other hand, is supportive of the red shirts from abroad, and has declared that it was time “for the people to come out in revolution."


In the meanwhile, the military and much of Thailand’s security forces have wisely decided to step aside and watch the tug of war between the current government and the red shirts play out. Part of the reason: some of the police and military rank and file sympathize with the red shirts, and now many monks are joining the protesters as well. The other part has to do with how the military coup that ousted Thaksin was the catalyst to Thailand’s current turmoil, and the military, itself fractious, is now far more cautious and reserved.

Democracy hasn’t really worked in Thailand. And it’s doubtful that even with free elections that both major voting blocks will agree to the outcome. But one thing is certain: Thailand’s image of itself is changing. The tourist Mecca known as the land of a thousand smiles has shown its messy, bloody underbelly – part metropolis, part dystopia. And as the rural-urban tension continues unresolved, defined by mutual distrust, it may very well lead to something close to real revolution.

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